Is Bangladesh backtracking on post-Hasina reforms?

Published 4 August 2026 · india

Two years after a student-led uprising toppled PM Sheikh Hasina, critics say Bangladesh's reform momentum is fading as political divisions deepen and key changes stall

Two years after a student-led uprising toppled PM Sheikh Hasina, critics say Bangladesh's reform momentum is fading as political divisions deepen and key changes stall. Just two years after a student-led uprising ended the nearly 16-year rule of Sheikh Hasina, many fear Bangladesh is slipping backward. With Hasina, now in exile in India, planning a return in December and critics accusing the current government of failing to deliver on its promises, the country's political future is once again in doubt. "At the end of the day, we did not see the elimination of discrimination, the creation of an inclusive society, or the new political order that was promised," Mohammad Tanzimuddin Khan, a professor of international relations at Dhaka University, told DW. "It seems we are forgetting the very reasons behind the uprising of last July, especially those who came to power," he added. The protest movement began in 2018 over a controversial quota system for government jobs. In 2024, a court-backed move to reinstate parts of the system sparked fresh demonstrations that grew into a wider anti-government uprising. In August 2024, after more than 1,000 people were killed in the unrest, then Prime Minister Hasina fled to India. Rebuilding Bangladesh's institutions Bangladesh's interim government, which was led by Nobel Peace Prize winner Muhammad Yunus and backed by the military and key figures from the uprising, facilitated the signing of a reform roadmap. It was named the "July Charter" after the month when the uprising that toppled Hasina began. In July 2024, protests against government job quotas escalated into violent clashes and challenges to Hasina's rule Image: Abu Sufian Jewel/ZUMA Press Wire/IMAGO In a February 2026 referendum, around 70% of voters approved the charter, which proposed term limits for prime ministers, the creation of an upper house of parliament, stronger presidential powers and greater judicial independence. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) won a decisive majority in a general election that took place alongside the referendum. Critics say the BNP has since failed to implement several pre-election reform commitments.

Ali Riaz, who led the interim government's Constitution Reform Commission, said there had been "time-bound commitments," including the creation of a constitutional reform council and steps to implement reforms within 180 working days. "That was not done," he said, adding that it was "deeply regrettable." Is Bangladesh moving in the wrong direction? The interim government introduced 133 ordinances as part of its reform agenda, but after the BNP came to power, it refused to adopt 20 of them — including measures concerning the Human Rights Commission (NHRC), the Anti-Corruption Commission, enforced disappearances and referendums. The BNP argues that constitutional and institutional changes should be enacted through proper legislative procedures in Parliament. The BNP and the opposition Jamaat-e-Islami-led alliance have clashed over the July Charter, including proposals for a constituent assembly to oversee constitutional reforms. Salahuddin Ahmed, who led the BNP's representatives in the Consensus Commission, now serves as Bangladesh's Home Minister. Speaking in Parliament in March, Ahmed described the charter's implementation order as "a document of endless deception" by the interim government. Asif Mahmud, spokesperson for the student-led Citizen Party (NCP), accused the BNP of "betraying the public" on its reform promises and cast doubt on "whether voters would trust the party again if a similar political moment were to arise." Mahmud, a leading figure in the uprising who later served as an adviser in the interim government before resigning ahead of the national election, told DW: "The BNP is taking the country backward by revoking the very ordinances and reforms that the interim government had implemented." A Dhaka court found Hasina guilty of crimes against humanity — which she said was 'political vengeance dressed up as law' Image: Christophe Ena/AP Photo/picture alliance However, Khan believes the opposition party also bears responsibility for this. "It is not just the ruling party; there is no sign of the opposition breaking free from this tendency either." While he sees some change in the way prime ministerial power is exercised, he believes "politicization has returned to major institutions, including educational ones." Have public aspirations been realized?